Lecture 1: Les Petits Enfants du
siècle and Postwar France
It is easy to see how this sort of reading makes Les Petits Enfants du
siècle a perfect text to complement and supplement general courses on
contemporary French society. Such a reading of Les Petits Enfants du
siècle is, of course, perfectly valid and is a reading I shall pursue
in part of these lecture notes. It is certainly possible to find support
for this reading from Rochefort herself in her autobiography, Ma Vie
revue et corrigée par l'auteur, and in interviews which make it clear
that Les Petits Enfants du siècle was, by and large, an angry
response to developments in postwar France. It is difficult no to read
Les Petits Enfants du siècle as an attempt to describe the
difficult coming-to terms with the major shifts in postwar French life.
However, it is only one possible reading, only one mode of critical
address. Such a reading evades engaging with Les Petits Enfants du
siècle as a text written by a woman, concerned with the social
specificity of women's lives and critical of an ideology that defined the
boundries of those lives. As the above quotation by Margaret Atack and
Phil Powrie makes clear, it is equally important to consider such
questions as gender identity, sexuality, oppression etc., to consider the
text in relation to the preoccupations of women's writing and of feminist
criticism.
Up to a point it is necessary to contextualize Les Petits Enfants du
siècle as a text which describes the difficult coming to terms with
major social shifts in postwar France. However, it also needs to be read
as a book about continuities in class, race and, most important of all,
gender inequalities. The ways in which French society didn't change for
French women. So, gender issues will occupy an important place in these
lecture notes on Rochefort.
Although it is not the purpose of these lecture notes to offer a detailed
description of the development of postwar France - a more detailed account
can be found at Les trente
glorieuses - some brief outline of the principal changes needs to
be sketched. In 1945, France was a nation happy to be liberated. However,
the devastation caused by war and enemy occupation was everywhere.
Industrial production was down to half of its pre-war level and
agriculture had ground to a halt due to a shortage of labour and
machinery. The priority for France was recovery and, indeed, France was
soon on its feet with industrial output up to pre-war levels by 1947. This
was largely acheived by: i) the active role of the state in industry which
nationalized public utilities, airlines, banks and many other private
companies like the Renault car factory and ii) the Marshall Aid Plan an
American initiative which gave grants, loans and subsidies to struggling
postwar nations.
France began to witness many changes in the immediate postwar period.
France began to enjoy an unbroken period of economic prosperity and rising
standards of living which lasted until the 1970's. In France the name
given to this period of growth and prosperity was les trente
glorieuses - that is to say, the thirty years between 1945 and 1975.
les trente glorieuses witnessed rapid economic growth. Between 1945
and 1975 the economy grew on average by 5% per annum - a considerable
economic achievement. Moreover, both industry and agriculture were
undergoing a process of increasing modernization.
Les trente glorieuses also witnessed the rapid process of
urbanization. Between 1946 and 1985 the population grew from 40.3 million
to 55 million, 69% of whom were now living in towns or cities compared
with 51% before the war. (Price: 1993 p.273). In 1945 housing conditions
in the cities were little different from those of the nineteenth century.
The housing stock was old - most of it nineteenth-century - and lacking
modern amenities like bathrooms, kitchens and running water. In 1954 more
than a third of all households lacked running water and only 17.5% had a
either a bath or a shower (Price: 1993 p.292). Overcrowding was a major
problem however. As late as 1962 in fact, a census classified one flat in
four as overcrowded and recorded that 60% of all housing stock predated
1914. Housing stock was not only in poor condition but it was also in high
demand. Increasing numbers of Frenchmen and women were moving from the
country to the city and, just as important, increasing numbers of
Frenchmen and women were deciding to have children. The rising birth rate
exacerbated the already serious problem of overcrowding.
Massive investment in France's housing infrastructure took place in the
1950s and 1960s to address the nation's needs. From 1954 onwards, new
building projects began to be realized, often supplanting as well as
complementing existing housing stock. At its peak, some 400,000 properties
- modern, sanitized, standardized and suburban - were created each year.
One striking example of the council estates created after 1954 was
Sarcelles situated near Le Bourget airport. Interestingly enough, it had a
population of over 40,000 yet had neither secondary school nor cultural
centre. It created a new kind of psychological depression or new-town
blues that rapidly acquired its own name: Sarcellitis.
New patterns of consumption and leisure activities began to emerge too as
a newly affluent working-class enjoyed a higher standard of living than
ever before. Although disparities in levels of income remained
significant, there was, on average, a 6% increase in people's real
incomes. The higher incomes and increased spending power of postwar
France, and in particular, of the 1950s and 1960s, was created by economic
growth and rising productivity. This newly prosperous working-class was
anxious to enjoy the possessions and lifestyle hitherto afforded only by
the middle-class and the wealthy. A number of consumer durables came to
symbolise this new age of prosperity and consumer aspiration: the
refrigerator, the washing machine, the television and the car. By the end
of the 1950's, for instance, 7.5% of French families owned a refrigerator,
10% a washing machine, 26% a television and 21% a car (Price: 1993 p.292).
Frenchmen and women enjoyed longer holidays: in little over a decade the
average annual holiday had increased from three weeks in 1956 to four
weeks in 1969.
The kind of transformations that were taking place in France in the thirty
years following the war sound, from my brief overview, fairly positive.
Indeed, any dry, purely economic overview is likely to sound positive, to
give the misleading impression that the France of the postwar years was
building a brave new world that brought universal benefits to its
citizens. Rochefort's Les Petits Enfants du siècle challenges this
rosy picture with an altogether more disturbing analysis of the human
consequences of France's modernization.
In these lecture notes, I want to take a look in detail at three
main areas of France's postwar modernization and their social
consequences:
Josyane Rouvier, the narrator and principal character of Les Petits
Enfants du siècle is very much a product of this `New France'. Josyane
is a young girl who lives with her working-class parents on a large
council estate in the suburbs of Paris. The story she has to tell is a
retrospective account of her life from early childhood to early adulthood.
Her childhood is not a happy one. She feels unwanted and unloved and, as
the eldest daughter of a large family, she is obliged to do many of the
household chores for her mother. Her story ends with her escape from her
unsatisfactory family environment through marriage to Philippe. Whether
this is indeed an escape, a `happy ending' or something rather less will
be debated later.
According to Josyane's account, she was conceived in response to the
French Government's `politique nataliste: `Je suis née des Allocations'
(7). This opening phrase requires some explanation. Josyane's parents were
encouraged by the French Government to have more and more children in
order to receive `les allocations familiales'. Such financial rewards were
an integral part of the French Government's attempts to redress the
problem of the falling birth-rate (la dénatalité française) which had
plagued France for so long. France's demographic situation was taken very
seriously by politicians and economists: for France to recover from the
effects of WWII and rebuild its economy it needed to raise the birth rate.
As early as 1945 General de Gaulle, the head of the newly-formed postwar
government, called upon French citizens to produce: `en dix ans, douze
millions de beaux bébés pour la France'. To achieve this ambition, France
set in place bureaucratic structures with the specific aim of encouraging
more and more young couples to have more and more children. It started
building lots of new flats - the shortage of accomodation being the most
important disincentive to having children - and introduced an elaborate
system of allowances allocated to families according to how many children
they had had and the timing of their births as well as tax relief and
certain reductions on public transport or in cinemas for families with
over three children, the so-called familles nombreuses.
If we accept statements made by Rochefort in her autobiography, part of
the motivation for writing Les Petits Enfants du siècle may have
been to articulate a protest against the French government's birth policy:
The ideological pressures exerted on women by the media, the church,
family associations and by politicians were complemented, as I mentionned
before by concrete financial incentives from central government designed
to encourage women to stay in the home and produce babies. To produce, in
fact, those 12 million bouncing babies for France of which de Gaulle had
memorably spoken. In the postwar period France introduced a series of
complex allowances and family benefits. The perception of women solely as
potential or actual mothers indicates that for de Gaulle and his
government at least, women's primary contribution to France's economic
recovery was to be reproduction rather than production.
Josyane makes a pointed criticism of this view of women's role as
essentially reproductive when she makes the following comment on the women
she sees on her housing estate:
The limits of Josyane's world and her possibilities have already been
circumscribed. Very quickly, Josyane's childhood is over and as her mother
has more and more children Josyane is made to play `la petite maman' (12)
herself and look after the children. Josyane's possible roles in life have
already been written for her - her life has already been pre-scripted. Her
mother plays an active part in encouraging Josyane to take up this role:
Related to Rochefort's critique of France's `politique nataliste' is her
critique of consumer society, la société de consommation. I don't
think that Rochefort would be so crude as to suggest that children were
only conceived for financial reasons, but the association of financial
rewards with the number of children one had had disturbing consequences.
It led, Rochefort seems to be arguing, to the creation of a new mentality,
a new way of thinking about sex and sexuality, motherhood and children.
It's interesting to note that Josyane's father's response to the birth of
his first child is not joy but disappointment that she had been born so
soon and that he had missed the bonus payment. Throughout the novel
Josyane feels unloved and unwanted. She feels unappreciated for what she
is and comes to see her value only in terms of what she can offer.
The novel is a critique then, of the consumer society. It is about the
rampant materialism of the late 1950s and 1960s and its effects on human
relationships and is often compared with texts like Elsa Triolet's
Roses à crédit (1959), George Perec's Les Choses (1965) and
Simone de Beauvoir's Les Belles Images (1966). Children not really
individuals - they are machines to make money, part of the grand cycle of
production and consumption. There is a particularly telling example of
this in the novel:
I want to turn now to my final category, urbanism. Les trente
glorieuses witnessed the rapid process of urbanization. Between 1946
and 1985 the population grew from 40.3 million to 55 million, 69% of whom
were now living in towns or cities compared with 51% before the war.
(Price: 1993 p.273). In 1945 housing conditions in the cities were little
different from those of the nineteenth century. The housing stock was old
- most of it nineteenth-century - and lacking modern amenities like
bathrooms, kitchens and running water. In 1954 more than a third of all
households lacked running water and only 17.5% had a either a bath or a
shower (Price: 1993 p.292). Overcrowding was a major problem however. As
late as 1962 in fact, a census classified one flat in four as overcrowded
and recorded that 60% of all housing stock predated 1914. Housing stock
was not only in poor condition but it was also in high demand. Increasing
numbers of Frenchmen and women were moving from the country to the city
and, just as important, increasing numbers of Frenchmen and women were
deciding to have children. The rising birth rate exacerbated the already
serious problem of overcrowding.
Massive investment in France's housing infrastructure took place in the
1950s and 1960s to address the nation's needs. From 1954 onwards, new
building projects began to be realized, often supplanting as well as
complementing existing housing stock. At its peak, some 400,000 properties
- modern, sanitized, standardized and suburban - were created each year.
One striking example of the council estates created after 1954 was
Sarcelles situated near Le Bourget airport. Interestingly enough, it had a
population of over 40,000 yet had neither secondary school nor cultural
centre. It created a new kind of psychological depression or new-town
blues that rapidly acquired its own name: Sarcellitis analysed by
numerous sociologists (see Marc Bernard's Sarcellopolis, Paris:
Flammarion, 1964).
Christiane Rochefort witnessed this rebuilding of France, in particular,
the demolition of whole quartiers (usually working-class) in Paris
and their replacement by huge surburban housing estates. In her
autobiography Ma Vie revue et corrigée par l'auteur she writes of
her outrage and horror. Let us look at two extracts from it now:
cuisine C'est suffisant, non?
Du moment que vous pouvez repartir au charbon le lendemain bande de. Hein?
Qu'est-ce que vous demandez de plus? Bien. Retournez dans votre case.
Ils m'avaient rattrapée. Les bulldozers. C'était en 62 je crois. C'est là
que j'ai inventé l'expression `déportation électorale'.
Les Petits Enfants du siècle is very much a book about what John
Ardagh called the `painful adjustment to life in the new suburbs' (Ardagh:
1973 pp.312-313). The construction of new urban and suburban housing
estates fractured traditional working-class communities. Of course, le
vieux Paris was totally unsuited to the real needs of postwar France.
The vast housing projects constructed in the 1950s and 1960s were
necessitated by the housing needs of a Parisian population living in
insanitary and overcrowded living condiitons within the city. But,
Rochefort would argue, at least there was a sense of community. There is
in some of Rochefort's writing a romantic nostalgia for an embracing sense
of community represented by le vieux Paris.
The new housing estates with their acres of precast concrete in geometric
forms stretching back into the horizon represent death to this notion of
community. There are many references to the brave new world offered by
the grands ensembles in Les Petits Enfants du siècle. We
often see them through Josyane's innocent eyes as representing an ideal
way of living:
There is also in Rochefort a streak of what we would now call
environmentalism. Linked to Rochefort's critique of urbanization is her
belief that we are destroying our own environment. Most of Rochefort's
works were published long before the words `green' or `ecosystem' had any
meaning to the majority of people, Rochefort was writing books about the
destruction of nature.
In Les Petits Enfants du siècle Josyane dreams of a life in nature.
Throughout the novel she remains sensitive to whatever traces of the
natural environment are to be found around her as on page 29. She is angry
at the mistreatment of the cats and dogs on the estate by the children who
throw stones at them (30-31). She notices the few flowers that are to be
found on her council estate on page 36. The most important detail is the
one tree she can see from the flat which her brother Patrick is busy
destroying during his games (26). Patrick represents the spirit of the
`New France' in his arrogrant appropriation of nature's wealth.
Interestingly, he uses the wood from the tree to construct little huts
where he plays at being a French paratrooper torturing his enemies in an
oblique but significant reference to the bitter war of decolonization
France was fighting in Algeria at the time.
If you are ready for the second lecture on Christiane Rochefort
click on lecture 2.
If you would like some more bibliographical references click on Selected Further Reading.
Women writers do figure increasingly on courses, but rarely because they
are women writers. It is because they have written texts which, it is
considered, can service cultural studies or area studies courses. We
therefore find Beauvoir's Les Belles Images, Rochefort's Les
Petits Enfants du siècle, Duras's Moderato cantabile as
instances not of women's writing, but of the alienation of modern French
life. Literature as sociology. Literature as illustration. Literature as
data. Not literature as revaluation of experience from a woman's
perspective, or a revaluation of patriarchal discourse.
Les Petits Enfants du siècle is perhaps Christiane Rochefort's most
popular and most widely-read text. It is popular in both schools and
universities with both teachers and students alike. It's popularity -
amongst teachers and university lecturers at least - is due in part to the
way in which it may be read as a critique of postwar French society. One
common interpretation is that Les Petits Enfants du siècle
constitutes a vigorous condemnation of the souless housing estates that
came to circle nearly every French city in the postwar years, of the
rampant materialism generated by postwar prosperity and of the French
government's `politique nataliste'. This sort of reading is privileged in
Philip Thody's introduction to one popular pedagogic edition of Les
Petits Enfants du siècle.
Margaret Atack
& Phil Powrie, `Introduction' in Margaret Atack & Phil Powrie (eds.),
Contemporary French Fiction by Women: Feminist Perspectives
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990) p.4
Postwar France: Continuity and Change
Je suis née des allocations
Établir un statut d'objecteur de conscience à la politique nataliste de
cette contrée arriérée n'est pas totalement impossible, il y faut
seulement consacrer des années de sa vie.
But just what was so bad about the French government's desire to increase
the birth rate? What was it that Rochefort objected to so much? Well, I
think part of the reason for Rochefort's antagonism to France's `politique
nataliste' is explained by its implicit conception of women's role.
France's `politique nataliste' encouraged traditional gender roles. The
ideal life for women was a domestic one: women should remain at home and
the profession they should exercise should be none other than le métier
de femme with its dual function of housewifery and motherhood. Only
men could pursue a career. The domestic as the feminine ideal crept back
into the public discourse on women, defining perceptions of women's true
nature and role and circumscribing their possibilities in paid employment
and their appearance in public life. What one sees then in the late 1940's
until the late 1960s is wave upon wave of articles and editorials in
newspapers and women's magazines, advertisements, schoolbooks, sermons and
political speeches all exhorting women to accept their true nature as
mother and housewife and to look after family and home.
... en ce moment le matin à la coopé c'était un vrai concours de ballons,
cette Cité c'est pas de l'habitat c'est de l'élevage. (85)
In the early stages of the novel we see Josyane resisting the pregnant
women she sees, as if she was denying or resisting the inevitability of
that destiny for herself. She is frequently dismissive of the women,
describing them as `en cloque', a particularly ugly description of a
pregnant woman. We also find her making such statements as:
Je connais rien de plus inutile sur la terre que les bonnes femmes. (121)
Gender Roles
Et vivement que tu grandisses, disait ma mère, que tu puisses m'aider un
peu (8)
The concrete financial incentives coupled with a pervasive ideology
stressing that women's place is in the home led to the imposition of
traditional gender roles and inequalities:
Maman faisait le dîner, papa rentrait et ouvrait la télé, on mangeait,
papa et les garçons regardaient la télé, maman et moi on faisait la
vaisselle, et ils allaient se coucher. (10)
There is an even darker side to France's `politique nataliste'. Because of
the urgency of boosting the birth rate, contraception and abortion were
both illegal. Abortion, although illegal, was available amongst
backstreet practitioners at a cost and was often extremely dangerous. In
an oblique, passing reference at the end of the novel Josyane alludes to
her friend Liliane who clearly has become pregnant and who dies during an
illegal abortion:
Quand je lui dis que j'étais enceinte, et ça n'aurait pas dû être une
surprise c'était fatal que ça arrive avec nos méthodes on ne pouvait
jamais se quitter et même on remettait ça dans l'ardeur du moment il n'y a
rien de plus dangereux cette pauvre Liliane me l'avait bien dit, ça ne lui
avait d'ailleurs pas réussi toute sa connaissance elle était morte et
d'une sale façon la pauvre fille, ça m'avait foutu la trouille, mais quand
je le dis à Philippe,il me souleva de terre et me fit tourner en l'air
comme un fou. D'un côté j'aimais mieux ça. (157-8)
A Material World
`Et mon frigidaire, il est là!' proclaimait Paulette en se tapant sur le
ventre à la coopé devant les autres bonnes femmes. (84)
Children, motherhood and consumption are all part of the same cycle. The
real value of children and of motherhood is lost in a society in which
everything is subordinate to the needs of the state and economic growth.
The French government's `politique nataliste' brings about a travesty of
human relationships, human bonds, human needs. Another important passage
is found a little later in the novel:
Elle eut un garçon. Elle ne faisait que des garçons, et elle en était
fière. Elle fournirait au moins un peloton d'exécution à la patrie pour
son compte; il est vrai que la patrie l'avait payé d'avance, elle y avait
droit. J'espérais qu'il y aurait une guerre en temps voulu pour utiliser
tout ce matériel, qui autrement ne servait pas à grand chose, car ils
étaient tous cons comme des balais. Je pensais au jour qu'où on dirait à
tous les fils Mauvin En Avant! et pan, les voilà tous couchés sur la champ
de bataille, et au-dessus on met une croix: ici tombèrent Mauvin Télé,
Mauvin Bagnole. Mauvin Frigidaire, Mauvin Mixeur, Mauvin Machine à laver,
Mauvin Tapis, Mauvin Cocotte Minute, et avec la pension qu'ils pourraient
encore se payer un aspirateur et un caveau de famille. (86)
The new consumerism is also seen as a threat to community and friendship,
something which fractures or upsets solidarity and a sense of belonging to
something greater then oneself. The are a number of occasions in the book
in which characters are seen as greedy and selfish in their drive to
acquire, amass and accumulate material things:
... le chef de famille était passé mécano qualifié, incollable sur le
delco, les pignons et les pompes, la tête dans le capot le semedi
après-midi et le spontex ravageur le dimanche matin, faisant le concours
avec Mauvin laquelle brillerait le plus. Jamais il n'aurait touché à
l'évier dela cuisine mais sa peinture c'était autre chose. Et allez donc
que je te brique, et fier comme un pou, `on pourrait manger la soupe
dessus', une vraie petite managère. (51-2)
Josyane is caught in the cycle of materialism. Despite her ironic comments
on her parents' acquisitiveness, she ends up by sharing the belief that
happiness can be found in material things. At the end of her story she is
planning her purchases for the wedding ceremony and for the arrival of her
first baby. At the end of the story she too will become another inhabitant
of a large council estate. The novel ends as it began - with a young
couple having babies and planning their future life in a high-rise council
block. In Rochefort this repetion according to a set pattern, this
circularity equals a kind of entrapment.
Urbanism
L'architecture moderne prévoit qu'on:
What's important here is her outrage at the arrogance of the architects
and town planners that refused to recognise the social needs of the
inhabitants of these housing estates. This comes across clearly in
the above quotation as well as her disgust and horror, a horror which she
claimed to be at the heart of Les Petits Enfants du siècle.
mange
se
lave
regarde la télé
dort
point.
(Rochefort: 1978 p.183)
C'est là aussi
que je me suis mise à écrire Les Petits Enfants du siècle. D'une
seule traite. Sur l'horreur. Un tout petit bouquin court, ciselé par
l'horreur, chaque phrase, chaque majuscule insolite, chaque virgule
déplacée par l'horreur.
(Rochefort: 1978 p.260)
Le soir les fenêtres s'allumaient et derrière il n'y avait que des
familles heureuses, familles heureuses, familles heureuses, familles
heureuses. (80-1)
Or, take for example Josyane's first sight of Sarcelles
On arrive à Sarcelles par un pont, et tout à coup, un peu d'en haut, on
voit tout. Oh là! Et je croyais que j'habitais dans des blocs! Ça, oui,
c'étaient des blocs! Ça c'était de la Cité, de la vraie Cité de l'Avenir!
Sur des kilomètres et des kilomètres et des kilomètres, des maisons des
maisons des maisons. Pareilles. Alignées. Blanches. Encore des maisons.
Maisons maisons maisons maisons maisons maisons maisons maisons maisons
maisons. Maisons. Maisons. Et du ciel; une immensité. Du soleil. Du
soleil plein les maisons, passant à travers, resortant de l'autre côté.
Des Espaces Verts énormes, prpres, superbes, des tapis, avec sur chacun
l'écriteau Respectez et Faites respecter les Pelouses et les Arbres, qui
d'ailleurs ici avait l'air de faire plus d'effet que chez nous, les gens
eux-mêmes étant sans doute en progrès comme l'architecture. (124)
Although in these passages we see Josyane's unsophisticated exhilaration
at this brave new world her response may be read ironically. What Josyane
cannot see in her innocence and naivety, we can. These buildings are about
social control and regulation. They crush individuality and breed
uniformity. Their dream rhetoric contains a nightmare. In some ways the
description of France's new urban environment echoes Rochefort's later
science-fiction novel Une Rose pour Morrison (1966) which depicts a
all powerful state which aims to keep its subjects in line through various
forms of social engineering such as housing.
References
The University of Sunderland
Last Update 28-Feb-96